Underlying Strains in Taiwan-U.S. Political Relations


 

Publication Date: April 2007

Publisher: Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Author(s):

Research Area: Government

Type:

Coverage: Taiwan

Abstract:

The status of Taiwan is a key issue for U.S. foreign policy and a critical point of contention in U.S. relations with China, which claims sovereignty over Taiwan. The U.S. policy framework for Taiwan was laid down in 1979 when Washington severed official relations with the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan and instead recognized the People's Republic of China (PRC) as the legitimate Chinese government. The basics of that policy shift -- the Taiwan Relations Act, the 3 U.S.China communiques, and the so-called "six assurances" toward Taiwan -- remain in place today. But many other factors have changed dramatically. The PRC itself is a rising global economic power scarcely resembling the country it was at the Nixon opening in the 1970's. U.S. economic and political relations with the PRC have expanded and become more diverse, playing a more complex role now than they did then in U.S. calculations of its own interests. China's military has grown as well, with much of its strategic planning focusing on a Taiwan contingency that may lead to conflict with U.S. military forces.

Taiwan, once an authoritarian one-party government under martial law, has become a fully functioning democracy. In Taiwan's 2000 presidential election, Chen Shui-bian's upset of the long dominant ruling party in a true democratic contest was a resounding validation of U.S. ideals and hopes for global democratic development. But other aspects of the new government's pro-independence views conflict with U.S. policies that support the "status quo" in the Taiwan Strait and are unwilling to support Taiwan independence. Taiwan-U.S. relations in recent years also have been plagued by other factors, including mistrust between the Bush and Chen Administrations; mixed bilateral messages; a decline in the extent to which Taiwan is willing to fulfill U.S. expectations about its own self-defense; the fragmentation of the once-powerful "Taiwan lobby" in the United States; a perceived declining role for Congress; and the sheer volatility in Taiwan's domestic political environment.

These changes are posing challenges to U.S. policy. Some observers suggest that as the PRC and Taiwan have evolved, the original U.S. policy framework has grown increasingly irrelevant; they argue it needs to be reassessed or scrapped. Others hold that the very constancy of the U.S. policy framework is crucial in managing U.S. relations with both governments; they argue it needs to be maintained. Bracketed by these two options is a quiet flow of alternative policy suggestions. These tend to advocate various substantive changes in day-to-day U.S. relations with Taiwan and China that appear defensible within the existing U.S. policy framework. These alternative views include a more transparent U.S. policy and more open interactions with senior Taiwan leaders; greater U.S. support for Taiwan's participation in international organizations; a more active U.S. role in cross-strait relations; more pressure on the PRC to talk to the elected Taiwan government, withdraw its missiles opposite Taiwan, and renounce the use of force; and more overt support for Taiwan democratic institutions.

This report, originally released in October 2006, reflects trends as of spring 2007. It is not routinely updated. For ongoing issues in U.S.-Taiwan relations, see CRS Report RL33510, Taiwan: Recent Developments and U.S. Policy Choices.